Hopeful Campaigning
Helping you to target campaigning at the local areas where it is likely to have more impact.
Select multiple topics to rank areas by their average score across all selected indexes.
Workers' rights
Measures persuadability around employment rights messages — zero-hours contracts, sick pay, fair treatment of workers etc. High scores indicate audiences likely to respond to pro-union, pro-workers framing.
Economic hardship
Captures areas where cost-of-living pressures are acute and audiences could be receptive to messages linking economic difficulty to far-right scapegoating. This doesn't take into account political attitudes, just financial experiences.
Climate
Scores areas where climate concern is high: support for Net Zero, belief in climate change being real and urgent, concern about rivers.
NHS & public services
Reflects audiences persuadable via public services narratives - against insurance-based NHS model and in favour of investment in services (within reason, given most are concerned about financial drain).
Immigration
Identifies areas where immigration is a concern but attitudes to immigration and Muslims are somewhat softer (does not mean welcoming or supportive, but rather against extreme measures e.g. deportation, leaving Refugee Convention.
Multiculturalism & communities
Captures existing openness to multicultural values and community cohesion - support for community initiatives, openness to Muslims and immigration, dislike of racist candidates, open view of Britishness and community pride.
Anti-fascist support
Areas with high anti-Reform sentiment: would be unhappy with a Reform government and believe that Reform UK is a far-right party. Don't necessarily need persuading, this is our base.
Far right scepticism
Indicates areas where people are concerned about the far right - higher scores are where people dislike Tommy Robinson, don't agree with UTK rally, and don't buy into "civil war" narratives. Might extend beyond the anti-Reform audience.
Conspiracy theory scepticism
Low tolerance of conspiracy theory thinking: don't believe in Holocaust denial, Jewish banking conspiracy and would dislike an anti-vax candidate.
Anti-vax & US ideas scepticism
High levels of dislike of both chlorinated chicken import and anti-vax. Can be tied into wider issues around American cultural issue import.
Anti-Russia
Indicates areas with higher dislike of Vladimir Putin and a candidate who spoke positively about Putin. Russia narratives will work well to persuade high scorers.
National average reflects how this area compares to the rest of England and Wales. Local rank and score shows where it sits within your chosen geography based on score. An area ranked #1 locally may still have a low national score — this might make it the best option locally, but not an objectively good or promising option.
Segments 1-3: Comfortable, stable, small-c conservatives
Older, financially secure, broadly pro–liberal democracy voters who dislike extremism and global populist figures. They worry about immigration and economic stability but are materially comfortable and politically relatively satisfied. Socially cautious rather than activist, with low support for workers’ rights and mild pessimism about multiculturalism and cohesion.
Segments 4-5: Proud, cautious British patriots
Comfortable homeowners with strong community pride, patriotic sentiment and pessimism about the UK’s future standing. They prioritise healthcare and local wellbeing, are sceptical of climate messaging centred on personal sacrifice, and show cultural pessimism toward social change. Compared with segments 1–3 they are slightly more economically protective and community-focused.
Segments 6-12: Anti-immigration, pessimistic and ignored
Older and increasingly economically pressured voters characterised by distrust of government, pessimism about finances and strong anti-immigration sentiment tied to identity and competition. Many feel ignored by politics, with core Reform support found here. High levels of anti-immigration sentiment. Segments six and seven skew towards struggling retirees, whereas the higher segments (11-12) are the core disenfranchised working class who would have previously been Labour voters but now have a strong preference for Reform UK. The reason this “cluster” is so big is because these voters will be the hardest for us to reach or campaign against, as they don’t even tend to include our softer Reform voter segments.
Segments 13-15: Socioeconomically excluded hardship
Highly disadvantaged segments with high pessimism, poor outlook on life and very high support for Reform. Real sense of insecurity, competition and distrust. Again, an important group to help but perhaps a difficult group for HNH to reach through campaigns.
Segments 16-18: Young, urban, diverse and contradictory
Segments which skew younger, with high ethnic diversity and religiosity (identifying as religious and practising). On the left wing, both a solid Labour vote and curiosity about the Greens and Your Party. Palestine and Gaza is a key issue for them. They show liberal attitudes on immigration shaped by lived experience but hold complex or contradictory views on social issues and conspiracy narratives, including some antisemitic or socially conservative positions influenced by religion. There are some inconsistent views around strong leadership across the political spectrum.
Segments 19-21: The metropolitan elite
This is where our young, urban, enthusiastically anti-fascist audience is. Despite high openness to diversity and activism, some express unexpected sympathy toward controversial figures or justifications for violence in defence of beliefs. They are politically engaged, relatively optimistic about their financial prospects or social relations and often supportive of alternative or progressive political movements, with low inclination to support Reform. This creates a distinctive mix of cosmopolitan identity, activism and ideological volatility.
Segments 22-25: Liberal professional mainstream
Educated, climate-conscious and economically optimistic segments alongside average-earning moderate centrists in segments 24 and 25. They lean against Reform, support multiculturalism and liberal democracy, and prioritise environmental responsibility and public services. However, they won’t go for any extreme “progressive activist” style positions. This reflects the broad civic middle-to-progressive mainstream with relatively stable outlooks.
Segment numbers correspond to the audience segment column in the INDEX data.